Read all excerpts from Anastasio Somoza’s autobiography “Nicaragua Betrayed” that mention Cuba or Fidel Castro
by Edward Ulrich, December 13, 2025
Cuban Revolutionary Forces counterattacking and capturing freedom fighters who fought in the Bay of Pigs Invasion. From Wikipedia.
Anastasio Somoza, the popular democratically elected leader of Nicaragua between 1967 and 1979 published his autobiography in 1980, where he detailed how his country was overrun by Communist Sandinistas during his administration. In the book he also explained how the Sandinistas were covertly supported by the globalist political Establishment that was associated with Jimmy Carter’s administration.
Somoza spent most of his early life in the United States and graduated from West Point Military Academy in 1946. He loved the United States, and the structure of his government was entirely similar to the U.S. as a democratically elected constitutional republic, which allowed the same freedoms and potential for prosperity as the United States offered, including freedom of the press.
Somoza was a person of much integrity and resourcefulness, and his book explains through firsthand accounts his dealing with constant assaults on him and his free country by ultimately the most powerful political forces on the planet— the global elite Establishment during the Carter Administration. His book describes the Establishment covertly equipping Communist Sandinista militants through Castro’s Cuba against Nicaragua, engaging in nonstop slander attacks by the United States mainstream media against him (the book provides a wealth of evidence exonerating him from such slander), strong-arming adjacent Latin American countries against him, imposing embargoes and sanctions based on fraudulent claims, and infiltrating the churches of Nicaragua with militant Communist Sandinista priests.
This article summarizes every time either Cuba or Fidel Castro were mentioned in his book.
Also see this article that contains excerpts from the book that detail the role of infiltrated churches in subjugating the country with Communism, and view the full book summary at this link.
Jump to parts of this page ..
From Chapter 2: How it all began
From Chapter 3: Terrorism in Managua
From Chapter 5: Heart and Other Trouble
From Chapter 6: Sandino and the Sandinistas
From Chapter 7: Brick Walls — U.S. Style
From Chapter 8: Pedro Joaquin Chamorro
From Chapter 10: The Letter
From Chapter 11: Terrorism in Managua: Phase Two
From Chapter 12: The Bay of Pigs— A Fiasco
From Chapter 13: September Offensive
From Chapter 14: The News Media and Jack Anderson
From Chapter 15: How Much More?
From Chapter 16: The Final Attack
From Chapter 17: Nicaragua Now— Color It Red
From Chapter 19: A Time for Tears
From Chapter 20: Betrayed
From Chapter 3: Terrorism in Managua
From Chapter 5: Heart and Other Trouble
From Chapter 6: Sandino and the Sandinistas
From Chapter 7: Brick Walls — U.S. Style
From Chapter 8: Pedro Joaquin Chamorro
From Chapter 10: The Letter
From Chapter 11: Terrorism in Managua: Phase Two
From Chapter 12: The Bay of Pigs— A Fiasco
From Chapter 13: September Offensive
From Chapter 14: The News Media and Jack Anderson
From Chapter 15: How Much More?
From Chapter 16: The Final Attack
From Chapter 17: Nicaragua Now— Color It Red
From Chapter 19: A Time for Tears
From Chapter 20: Betrayed
From “Chapter 2: How it all began” (link)
This chapter describes the beginnings of militant Communist Sandinista guerrilla activity in Nicaragua being due to infiltration of churches and universities as well as being due to information published by extremist newspapers; also described is agricultural programs Somoza implemented, his successful campaign for reelection to the Presidency, and a meeting he had with the President of Venezuela Carlos Andrez Perez.
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— Shortly after the election, President Carlos Andres Perez of Venezuela invited five presidents of Central America and Omar Torrijos of Panama to his country to discuss issues about the rising price of his Venezuelan oil, because the countries purchased petroleum from his country. After the formal meeting, Somoza was able to have a private conversation with Perez where he asked him why Venezuela was pushing to establish normal relations with Cuba. Perez’s past associations with Castro resulted in the deaths of thousands of innocent people, and Perez told him that it was because “he didn’t want Castro to hurt his government,” which greatly surprised Somoza. Somoza accounts, “I no longer had respect for the man. I recall thinking that if all the major governments of Latin America were headed by weak men like Carlos Andres Perez, we were in a hell of a spot.”
From Chapter 3: Terrorism in Managua (link)
This chapter describes a situation in 1974 where terrorists took a Christmas party hostage in Managua that had 45 people attending including many high ranking political figures as well as friends and family of Somoza, where the terrorists demanded money, the release of certain convicted felons, and passage to Cuba. Also explained is how some Sandinista Jesuit priests started a slander campaign in Washington to attempt to deprive Nicaragua of military assistance from the United States.
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— Arrangements were made with the Federal Reserve Bank in New York for the delivery of $5 million, however they were able to convince the terrorists to only take $1 million. The plan was then laid out for the terrorists to be transported to the airport, and when the terrorists reached their plane, the money was given to them, most of the hostages were released, and they climbed aboard the aircraft that taxied to the runway and then took off [on their way to Cuba] and disappeared from view. “One government official at the airport aptly described the feeling of all who had been involved. He said ‘It was a dream. It was a goddamn dream and it really didn’t happen.’” .. “When word was flashed to me at the Presidential complex that the hostages were free and with their loved ones, I wept. In the presence of generals and government staff members I wept, without shame.”
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From Chapter 5: Heart and Other Trouble (link)
This chapter describes Anastasio Somoza recovering from a major heart attack and preparing for Nicaragua to host an important “Army Chiefs of Staff of the Americas” meeting that was then boycotted by certain countries such as Venezuela at the covert urging of the U.S.; also described is a conversation with the then-president of Costa Rica Daniel Oduber who was also Somoza’s friend, where Oduber told him that he had a meeting with the U.S. White House National Security Advisor Robert Pastor who approached him and potentially other Presidents about overthrowing Nicaragua.
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— Somoza recalls an Army Chiefs of Staff of the Americas meeting in Venezuela in 1973, where elements of the group were attempting to shift the direction of the conference to allow Communism within its scope, and Somoza was determined for this not to happen; so Somoza, the Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army, and the chief of staff for Brazil maneuvered the conference to exclude the Leftist proposal, which allowed the conference to still be able to achieve anti-Communist results without having to capitulate to countries such as Cuba. Doing this created enemies for Somoza within the group.
— Somoza says, “I challenge Carter and Cyrus Vance to examine the record and see if there is any president anywhere who supported the policies of the United States more devoutly than I did. The record will show that no such loyalty existed anywhere. This is not to say that I was trying to get something for nothing. I merely wanted Nicaragua to have progress and to have good interdependent relations with other countries. ... It must be understood that Nicaragua identified with the United States. Nicaragua is a small country but the anti-Communist attitude of our people is well known. Philosophically, our country could relate to all those precepts which had made the U.S. the great country she was and is. It was natural, too, that the side of the United States was our side. ...”
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From pages 79-80:
Mrs. Carter, the President’s wife, had just been to Costa Rica on what was billed as a “good will tour.” During this tour she also visited other countries. Accompanying Mrs. Carter was Mr. Robert Pastor, a White House National Security Advisor. [The President of Costa Rica Daniel Oduber] told me that he had several lengthy discussions with Mr. Pastor. The contents of those discussions shocked me to my very roots. For openers, Daniel quoted Mr. Robert Pastor as saying to him: “When are we going to get that son of a bitch up to the north out of the presidency?’” He was, of course, referring to me. …”
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In this instance, and it’s shocking to realize, Mr. Pastor was representing the White House. He was speaking for the Executive branch of the government in the United States of America. More specifically, he was speaking for James Earl Carter. If that information had been revealed at that time, it could easily have meant a Congressional investigation. The President of the U.S. was directly interfering in the internal affairs of another republic. More importantly, this republic was a long-time friend, ally, and supporter of U.S. policy. The U.S. Congress and the American people are entitled to know why Mr. Carter was supporting Castro and the Communists in their bid to destroy an anti-Communist nation in the Western Hemisphere. As I have pointed out, Mr. Carter and the State Department had concrete evidence as to the Communist effort in Nicaragua.
[Note: Robert Pastor is more recently referred to in Alex Jones’ documentary film “Endgame” for his activities attempting to set up a North American Union, including his trying to push the idea of a “continent-wide security border.” See the video Endgame Segment - How the Bilderberg Group is Secretly Merging the North American Continent.]
The next visit to me was General Carlos Humberto Romero, President of El Salvador. He told me that his people had recently captured a Communist labor leader and that the man had some interesting things to say about Nicaragua. The Communist told his captors that no one could imagine what was going to happen in Nicaragua. The man was quoted as saying, “Very shortly, all hell is going to break loose there.” Again, President Romero came to me as a friend. He felt that I should be warned that the Communists were planning something “big” for Nicaragua.
With all this information coming to me in a time of recuperation, I should have been back in the hospital. However, my heart stood the test.
From Chapter 6: Sandino and the Sandinistas (link)
This chapter explains a number of issues including the international mainstream media starting to attack Somoza while portraying Sandinista subversives in a positive light; an example is described of tactics used by Sandinistas in battle causing Somoza’s troops to be portrayed as being cruel and out of control; a summary of the history of the Sandinista movement is explained; and also explained is how militant Jesuit Priests indoctrinated young subversives against the government.
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— At the time the international press started attacking Somoza, many favorable articles began to appear about the subversive “Sandinistas,” depicting them as young idealists who, “with their bare hands, were fighting a horrible dictator named Somoza.” Somoza says, “All of the leaders had been trained in Cuba, Czechoslovakia, the PLO, Libya, and Panama; and they were tough. They knew tactics and their knowledge of weaponry was first rate. ... As a result of the Jesuit priests’ training and as a result of the favorable international news coverage, many young idealists did join the Sandinistas. Their movement now began to gather some momentum.”
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— With the death of Carlos Fonseca Amador, there was not one single leader of the Sandinistas, and soon the Sandinistas would have three distinct factions. These were the Communists, the Christian Sandinistas, and the Terciary group. Castro had three hundred men trained to be leaders in the movement, and they were the ones who took control of it, with many going to the Soviet Union and Palestine to be trained. Some of the Sandinistas had been active in the PLO in Israel in the years previously. Somoza explains that Sandinistas represent the movement of the people in Latin America that is against the U.S., and some are not Communists.
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From Chapter 7: Brick Walls — U.S. Style (link)
Issues explained in this chapter include how by late 1977, Managua turned into a “media circus” having an insatiable appetite for ever increasing sensationalism; how a Leftist Central American committee was formed to pressure countries against Somoza; the hypocrisy of Jimmy Carter’s endorsement of Panama; Congressional testimony by U.S. Army General Gordon Sumner who accurately identified the situation in Central America at that time; increasingly hostile communication being received from the United States; issues with a subversive group called the “Famous Twelve”; and Somoza’s announcement of plans to step down after his current term.
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— While this was happening, the “Comite de Solidaridad con el Puelo de Nicaragua” (Committee of Solidarity for the People of Nicaragua) was formed to fight Somoza and his government. Somoza says, “On the surface, that sounds like a committee which could have been formed after the earthquake to help the people of Nicaragua. But experience has taught me that the Left is most adept at forming noble-sounding committees to do its dirty work.” Somoza found that the origin of this committee was Havana, Cuba, and that it was formed by Communists in Honduras. This committee was given funds by Havana to travel to Mexico, Costa Rica, and Panama. Venezuela also formed a committee under the same name for the same purpose. The Communists used this committee to pressure Latin American Governments to oppose Somoza. The committee had some effect, but intelligence sources revealed that it failed in many cases, such as with Panama attempting to get Honduras to make war against Nicaragua.
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From pages 95-96:
There was no question in my mind about the political philosophy of [Panama’s President] Omar Torrijos. Since Mr. Carter, Mr. Vance, and the U.S. State Department have embraced this man, it might be well to examine his ideology. When I say embrace, I do so with the literal meaning. On nationwide television, Mr. Carter fondly embraced Omar Torrijos, and gave him the Panama Canal with four billion dollars of the U.S. taxpayer’s money. This display of affection was photographically presented to the world.
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At the time Mr. Carter handed over the Canal and a U.S. obligation for all that money, the President of the United States knew that, at least, Torrijos was a socialist dictator. He knew that Torrijos had handpicked Aristides Royo, an avowed Marxist, to be President of Panama. He knew that Torrijos was an admirer of Fidel Castro and that the two men had a close relationship. Further, Mr. Carter knew that Torrijos was in blatant violation of the OAS Charter in his overt effort to overthrow the constitutional government of Nicaragua. There should be a huge question in the minds of the American people as to why Mr. Carter and Torrijos became “political bedfellows.”
From Congressional Testimony of U.S. Army General Gordon Sumner:
Unfortunately the facts of Panamanian involvement in supporting leftist / communist terrorist groups in Central America have been denied the American People. .. There was a blackout of this particular subject, not only in the media, but also, I felt, in the U.S. Government.
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I have watched this over three years experience as the Chairman of the Inter-American Defense Board; and the frustration of being unable to get this, though, to the American people, but also to the officials of the Federal Government. That is one reason why I retired from active military duty.
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.. It was quite clear that General Torrijos was expanding his horizons to include support for revolution in Central America, and I believed then, and I believe today, that he is under the influence of Communists/Marxists within Panama and Cuba, and particularly Colonel, or I believe it is General Noriega.
... Torrijos expressed to me great admiration for Fidel Castro at this meeting. ... I believe the unseemly haste of the group of people advising President Carter at that time to consummate these treaties was just one more piece in a plan which was designed to polarize this hemisphere into left and right. ...
We divided up all of Latin America into good guys and bad guys. They are being designated as “human righteous.” This is all being done by a very small group in the White House and State. The fact that these “Good Guys,” the guys with the white hats, are supplying arms, which you see here, they are supplying training, money, support, a lot of this is coming out of the U.S. taxpayers’ pockets, perhaps indirectly, to murder and maim as General Noriega did in Nicaragua, without discrimination. As far as I am concerned, that makes a mockery out of the President’s human rights policy.
I think Gen. Omar Torrijos is actively aiding and abetting leftist subversion in this area. It is apparent to me that he had nothing but scorn and contempt for this country ...
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— The testimony of Sumner pushed the Carter Administration into high gear to get the Panama Canal Treaties signed before the American people became enlightened as to who and what Torrijos was. Also, despite such testimony, the Carter Administration never admitted that they had any proof that Torrijos was working with Castro in support of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. “If any person is interested in all the evidence present and the testimony given in the aforementioned subcommittee, that information can be obtained from the U.S. Government Printing Office. Simply ask for a booklet entitled ‘Panama Gunrunning: Hearings before the Subcommittee On The Panama Canal, U.S. House of Representatives, June 6, 7, and July 10, 1979, Serial No. 96-22.’”
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From Chapter 8: Pedro Joaquin Chamorro (link)
This chapter describes Anastasio Somoza’s most well known nemesis Pedro Joaquin Chamarro, who published a Sandinista newspaper in Managua that called for violent revolution against Somoza and the government of Nicaragua. It explains how Chamarro was assassinated at the direction of a disgruntled business partner with the gunmen then being brought to justice— but with the international media still inaccurately accusing Somoza for his death, and with local adversaries of Somoza attempting to capitalize on the assassination but failing in their efforts.
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— Somoza later learned that Dr. Ramos and Venezuela’s leader Carlos Andres Perez had been roommates in Cuba. “It’s intriguing to note that Perez and Chamorro were allies and that the former roommate of Perez had Chamorro killed.”
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From Chapter 10: The Letter (link)
This chapter describes a meeting Anastasio Somoza had with the President of Venezuela Carlos Andres Perez, who told Somoza that he is “too soft of a dictator” and essentially that he was going to overthrow him; also explained is the contents of a confidential personal letter Somoza received from Jimmy Carter that deceptively gave an initial impression of Carter being willing to be cooperative with him.
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— Somoza says, “As of July, 1978, conditions have not improved. No matter how hard I tried, it seemed there was no way to please the United States. With Venezuela, Panama, and Costa Rica, my position had deteriorated. This is to say that they were assisting the Sandinista terrorists even more than they had in the past. We were also aware of the fact that Fidel Castro had accelerated his program of aggression against Nicaragua, because more arms, ammunition, and Cuban-trained personnel were arriving.”
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From Chapter 11: Terrorism in Managua: Phase Two (link)
This chapter describes another terrorist hostage situation occurring in Nicaragua, this time happening at the National Palace in Managua with fourteen Sandinista gunmen holding as many as 1,500 people hostage including many of the members of the Nicaraguan Congress. The terrorists demanded that their “manifesto” be disseminated through the media, the release of 59 prisoners, ransom money, and their safe passage to Panama and Venezuela, where they were then welcomed as heros.
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— Somoza says, “The last paragraph of the Manifesto should be of particular interest. This Manifesto was published on August 24, 1978, and yet Mr. Carter maintained, even after the Marxist victory, that he had no knowledge of foreign participation in the overthrow of the government of Nicaragua. Not only does the revolutionaries’ Manifesto publicly acknowledge the support that was rendered by Venezuela, Panama, Costa Rica, and Cuba, but it also gives thanks to ‘the liberal sectors of the Government of the United States. . .’”
From pages 167-168:
Each part of the negotiated agreement fell into place. All buses, with hostages, terrorists, and criminals, departed at the appointed time. They drove to the airport without incident. At the end of the take-off runway were parked planes from Torrijos and Perez. Torrijos had sent an Electra and Perez had sent a C-130. The C-130 is a huge airplane, so ample air transportation had been arranged. Luis Pallais and the other hostages were released, the money changed hands, and a motley group of Communists and convicted criminals went aboard the planes. In a few minutes the planes were airborne and we had come to the end of another living nightmare.
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The terrorists and criminals received a hero’s welcome in Panama and Venezuela. They were wined, dined and treated as celebrities. Pastora, the leader of the Communist terrorists, was honored with a special meeting with President Carlos Andres Perez.
... What we had been through in Managua, I thought, represented a complete breakdown of international law and order. I knew that so long as terrorists, airline highjackers, and international law violators had a safe haven, these crimes would continue. The fact that the Managua terrorists had two countries which welcomed them made me angry inside. Cuba, of course, would have made three countries, but Cuba takes criminals from anywhere. Panama and Venezuela were looked upon as civilized countries and, yet, they not only welcomed the terrorists, they aided and abetted a criminal cause.
Chapter 12: The Bay of Pigs— A Fiasco (link)
This chapter describes the United States staging the “Bay of Pigs” invasion against Cuba from Nicaragua in 1961 while Somoza was chief of the Nicaraguan Army. It is explained how the United States intentionally caused the mission to fail by holding back key air support, resulting in Castro’s capture of eleven hundred prisoners and ensuring that Castro stayed in power.
[Note I recommend reading the entire article page for this chapter.]
— Anastasio Somoza mentions that the time period covered in his book is from the 1972 earthquake in Managua until the present (1980), but he needs to make an exception for explaining the role of Nicaragua in the “Bay of Pigs” invasion of Cuba in 1961, because it relates directly to the eventual overthrow of Nicaragua by Cuba.
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— Nicaragua’s conclusion to assist the U.S. was based on the fact that they realized the evils of Communism and they knew that unless they assisted their friend the United States, there would be nothing but trouble from Cuba. Somoza says, “Our decision, then, was in the best interest of Nicaragua, our people, and the United States of America. When those interests were served, we concluded, it had to be the right decision.” It was decided that Nicaragua would serve as a staging point for the invasion forces.
From page 174:
Then they started to arrive by air, and the excitement mounted. These Cubans were on a mission of destiny and they felt it. One thousand and three hundred men arrived, all well trained, well equipped, and, to say the least, all eager to get on with the mission. The troop-carrying planes landed, one after the other, and in the darkness of night. It was closely coordinated, because then the ships began arriving in Puerto Cabezas. The combination of airplanes dropping out of the sky on tiny Puerto Cabezas, the arrival of ships in the harbor, and a knowledge of the importance of this mission made chills run up and down your spine. You could feel it with all the people who were there.
To add another dimension to the excitement, the bombers started arriving. Sixteen of seventeen B-26s arrived. These were the planes which would knock out the Cuban airforce— on the ground.
Also, there were tons of ammunition, rockets, and bombs. It seemed incredible that all these arms, weapons of war, and needed supplies could be assembled in one week. But it was done, and in total secrecy. Mr. Castro had no idea as to what was happening in Nicaragua.
It was important to me to be at Puerto Cabezas and make a final inspection. As I viewed the materials and visited with the men, my thoughts turned to the Normandy invasion. This, I thought, was no Normandy but to Latin America and the Western Hemisphere it could be just as important. I knew the threat of a Communist Cuba and, to me, Castro represented the same evil force as did Hitler. In the beginning no one took Hitler seriously, but Normandy was an exemplification of what happens when an evil man is taken too lightly.
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FROM PAGE 176:
The rest is history. The bombers actually did a pretty fair job in their surprise attacks, but Cuban jets did get airborne and made mincemeat out of these slow, cumbersome bombers. In the meantime, the U.S. aircraft carriers stood off Cuba and never launched their fighters. One fighter squadron, VA-34, known as the “Blue Blasters,” did get airborne but was prohibited from engaging the enemy. It has been reported that some of these American combat pilots were actually in tears. All was in readiness, but at the last moment, orders came from the White House to cancel fighter support for the invading Cubans. Only President Kennedy and his brother, Bobby, knew why this decision was made. It was a U.S.-planned and U.S.-financed operation and, in the end, it was a U.S. decision that led to disaster for the invasion force and permitted Castro to remain in power.
— The invasion forces landed and tried to move inland, but as soon as the airpower disappeared, Castro’s forces moved in with tanks, mortars, machine guns, and rockets, which trapped the invading forces so they couldn’t move. Castro took eleven hundred prisoners.
— After the first and second strike group took off for the invasion, the third was halted due to an order from Washington that the administration “wanted to test public opinion.” Somoza says, “My God, men were dying and the future of much of Latin America hung in the balance, and Washington wanted to test public opinion!”
— Somoza says, “Castro had not forgotten my participation and until this day he hasn’t. ... I was the butt of many of his vitriolic obscenities. Often times he said, ‘Somoza is a son of a bitch, and I’ll see him dead.’ He made a serious threat but, I’m sorry to say, he made good his threat. He didn’t kill me, but he played a significant role in killing my country. To me, that’s the same thing.”
[Note that sadly Somoza was assassinated by Cuba-affiliated Communist militants shortly after publishing his book.]
From Pages 178-179:
To bring the Bay of Pigs fiasco into proper focus and relate the release of all prisoners to the current situation in Nicaragua, consider this fact: There are eight thousand men and women of the Guardia Nacional behind barbed wire in Nicaragua today. They are political prisoners of a Marxist government; and, as things stand now, most of these men and women will probably die in prison. However, there has been no effort on the part of anyone in the United States to negotiate for their release, and you have eight times the number of imprisoned after the Bay of Pigs.
There is a parallel. The United States promised air support for the Bay of Pigs invaders. The air support was withheld and eleven hundred men were captured by a Communist government. In Nicaragua, the United States broke promises, treaties, and all agreements with my country. As a direct result, eight thousand men and women are imprisoned. How ironic that, in the one instance, the United States would successfully bargain for the release of all prisoners, and in the other, refuse even to acknowledge the fact that an entire army is imprisoned by a Communist government.
I can go one step further. If the United States had lived up to her commitment to the Bay of Pigs invaders, there would be no Castro on the scene today, and the Communists would not have Nicaragua.
Surely there is justice in this world of ours. But as of this moment, if it does exist, it is beyond the scope of my vision.
From Chapter 13: September Offensive (link)
This chapter describes false claims being made in the media of Anastasio Somoza losing support of the people of Nicaragua; also described is Somoza’s forces repelling many concurrent attacks by Sandinistas, and a description of shocking dishonesties that the Carter “Human Rights Commission” engaged in against Nicaragua.
From page 181:
After the terrorists were successful in their capture of the National Palace [described in Chapter 11], had their demands met and were safely ensconced in their havens, there was euphoria in Havana, Caracas, Panama City, San Jose of Costa Rica, and some areas of Washington.
TV viewers in San Jose, for example, were told that my government and I no longer had the popular support of the people. Some of the Sandinista leaders even boasted that Somoza’s time could now be counted in hours, because the people would rise up and overthrow the government. They went so far as to say that I could no longer count on the loyalty of the Guardia Nacional.
Perez believed this to be true as did Castro, Carazo, Torrijos, and Carter. All of these national leaders believed the wild stories being spread by the revolutionaries. They mistook compassion for weakness and disunity. They weren’t aware of the fact that the people of Nicaragua were still with me and the Government. The appraisal of the Communist revolutionaries, and their supporting international factions, was that the government and I had been dealt a fatal psychological blow— a blow from which there was no recovery. Again, how wrong they were.
— The government forces were able to rescue the city of Esteli after two weeks of combat, which enraged Castro and prompted him to give ranting and raving broadcasts on his powerful radio station in Havana which could be heard in Nicaragua. Somoza says, “For twenty years we lived under the booming sounds of Radio Havana. Many people in Nicaragua listened to the station, particularly to the diatribes of Castro. That was when they could hear the ‘evil’ things about Somoza. The information about Esteli and the other revolutionary activities in Managua was being fed to Radio Havana out of our ‘friendly country’ to the south— Costa Rica.”
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— Somoza’s troops constantly changed checkpoints in order to thwart the Sandinista’s supplying of reinforcements, and many men were captured this way being armed and equipped for battle. One of the men captured on the way to Matagalpa was responsible for the previous attack on the entire Esteli section, and he was trained in Cuba.
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— The September offensive was over and Somoza’s forces had won with the best estimates indicating a ten-to-one casualty ratio— meaning for each one of the government’s casualties, the revolutionary forces suffered ten. The revolutionary forces were a well organized enemy that had military know-how to plan and coordinate their multiple offensive, and their sustained supply of ammunition was coming from Costa Rica through designated routes. Contrary to news media reports, their attacks were not a spontaneous effort.
— Somoza had reports that the Sandinistas were confident that they would be successful in at least taking one of the areas they attacked, and they planned to declare national status and ask for international recognition. Somoza says, “Venezuela, Panama, and Cuba would have recognized such status immediately, with the U.S. following close behind. Perhaps that’s another reason the loss at Esteli put Castro on the rampage.”
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— Most of the leaders of the offensive were trained in Cuba, Panama, and by the PLO, and usually the leaders escaped. Somoza says, “When it appeared the Guardia Nacional would win, they followed a well-established routine. They would tell the local Sandinistas they were going for reinforcements and then they would never come back. On foot, they would generally make their way to Costa Rica or Honduras.”
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From pages 193 - 194:
The Human Rights Commission of the Organization of American States is used by the Leftists and, in reality, is an arm of subversion. You don’t hear about the Human Rights Commission going to Cuba, Jamaica, or any Leftist country. But it’s a proven fact that they pounce on anti-Communist countries. The Human Rights Commission is Mr. Carter’s baby, and it represents another tool to foster socialistic notions in the Western Hemisphere.
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When the Commission members had terminated their social visits with all those who had “anything against the government of Nicaragua,” they packed up their files and left. There was no question in my mind as to what their findings would be. Mr. Carter must have requested that a “rush order” be placed on the Nicaragua Report because in two weeks the report was out. It was a long report but the findings could be summed up very briefly: Nicaragua is a gross violator of human rights. That’s what Carter, Perez, Torrijos, Carazo, and Castro wanted, and that’s precisely what they received.
In life, most people are guilty of small transgressions. The transgressions of the Human Rights Commission in Nicaragua runs to infinity. If my West Point mathematics still serves me, infinity represents the limit of a function that can be made to become and remain numerically larger than any preassigned value. In layman’s language, no matter how far you go, infinity is still beyond that. To me, that represents the magnitude of the transgression committed by the Human Rights Commission. Some day these people are going to meet up with their creator, and he is going to ask them: “How honest were you in Nicaragua?” Somewhere and somehow these people will have to answer for their greatest transgressions, a sin against mankind.
From Chapter 14: The News Media and Jack Anderson (link)
This chapter explains issues of bias in the news media concerning Somoza’s administration, including the fact that the media would not report atrocities associated with the Sandinistas, issues with Somoza being slandered by a U.S. newspaper columnist Jack Anderson and by the television show “60 Minutes,” and also issues with the shooting of the journalist Bill Stewart.
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— Somoza says, “It’s difficult for citizens of the United States to understand that their President and their State Department were actually in the forefront of a Leftist movement to destroy an anti-Communist government.” [Note: The powerful political organization known as the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is often responsible for biasing mainstream media reports in order to forward globalist objectives including the spreading of Communism in countries of the world. See A Summary of the Documentary Video “Behind the Big News”.]
From pages 197 - 200:
There was regular communication among the U.S., Venezuela, Panama, and Costa Rican authorities. Cuba and Venezuela, through Panama, coordinated their actions. The plan was discussed, arranged, and brought to fruition. This could not have been accomplished without the fervent support of the Leftist-controlled press.
Two of the most influential newspapers in the Western Hemisphere are the “New York Times” and the “Washington Post.” These publications carried many stories that reflected badly on me and my administration. Karen De Young of the “Washington Post” and Alan Riding of the “New York Times” were biased, unfactual, and thoroughly prejudicial in their reports on Nicaragua. Alan Riding admitted to me that he opposed my government and that he was a Socialist. How fair can reporting be expected from such a dedicated member of the Left? Karen De Young and the “Washington Post” performed an excellent hatchet job on me. It’s not just happenstance that every time there was a congressional hearing on Nicaragua, on that very same day the “Washington Post” would carry an anti-Somoza article. This ploy, of course, was used to influence various U.S. Congressmen on that particular day.
After the Communists won, these newspapers and other elements of the [Western mainstream news media] were suddenly very quiet. Their mission had been accomplished. The slaughter of three thousand human beings was not important enough to warrant any kind of story. The inhuman brutality of the Sandinistas was not newsworthy. They had the information, as did Carter and the State Department, but it would not be disclosed. It’s impossible to reveal all of the atrocities committed by the Communists, but I shall discuss some of those so the true nature of these revolutionaries may be understood. Detailed reports of these crimes have been sent to Washington.
— The Sandinistas captured, tortured, and shot Lt. Juan Ocon. While he was still alive his head was cut off. His family could not find his head so the family buried him with a plaster head attached to the body.
— Alvaro Sanchez was taken out of his home and shot in the presence of his mother and children.
— Pedro Pablo Espinoza, newspaperman and member of the Liberal Party, was captured by the Sandinistas in El Dorada. He was tortured, his eyes gouged out, and was then shot.
— In Leon, thirteen young members of the Guardia Nacional surrendered to the Sandinistas. They were taken to the football stadium in Leon where they were all shot.
— While Lt. Rene Silva, a member of the Guardia National from Matagalpa, was at the battle front, the Sandinistas went to his home and murdered his wife and two children, four and two years old.
— Dr. Rafael Saavedra, General Director of Customs, was burned alive by the Sandinistas and his two sons killed.
— Two female police students were captured. One of them was four months pregnant. They opened her up and pulled the fetus out. According to sworn testimony given to the U.S. House of Representatives and which appears in the February 26, 1980 Congressional Record, this group was under the command of an American by the name of Clifford Scott.
— Major Domingo Gutierrez and six of his men were captured. They were placed in a hole, sprayed with gasoline and burned alive.
— Sergeant Edwin R. Ordonez of the infantry training school was captured and burned alive.
— Dr. Cornelio Hueck, former President of the Congress, was captured at his ranch near Rivas, he was taken to the town square of Tola where he was shot several times in non-vital areas. Then, with the people of the town present, he was placed on a table and, while he was still alive, his heart was cut out.
— Major Pablo Emilio Salazar, better known as “Comandante Bravo,” was captured by the Sandinistas in Honduras after the war was over, and tortured to death. His face was beaten beyond recognition, his arms broken, his ears cut off, his genitals severed, strips of his skin peeled from his body and, finally, he was shot in the head.
Several times I have mentioned Commander Bravo, because he was a “soldier’s soldier.” On August 1, 1979, Commander Bravo testified in Washington D.C., before a press conference called by Congressman John Murphy of New York. Other former members of the Guardia Nacional gave statements that day as well as numerous civilians. Those Nicaraguans were there to tell the American people of the horrible atrocities being committed by the new Marxist regime.
...
The foregoing is just an indication of the horrible crimes committed by the new Marxist government in Nicaragua. Verification and complete statements concerning these mentioned crimes can be found in the “Congressional Record” of February 26, 1980.
But the list of those who were raped and murdered goes on and on. Perhaps it should be pointed out that by and large, these heinous crimes were committed AFTER the Marxist victory. As I have stated previously, some three thousand men, women, and children of Nicaragua have been slaughtered. These murders continue until this day, and the brutality is unbelievable.
One thing is clear; the human rights standards proclaimed by Mr. Carter do not apply to the Communists. It should be clear to all that his program only applied to anti-Communists. Further, the news media are now content. They no longer direct their attacks upon Nicaragua. For this position, there is an obvious answer. The Communists now control Nicaragua.
The conclusion one has to reach is that the power of the press is awesome. It makes no difference who you are or what you are, if this sector of our professional society wants to destroy you, it can be done. Again, the would-be straight press is not so straight.
…
From Chapter 15: How Much More? (link)
This chapter describes the Carter Administration trying another attempt at unseating Somoza by initiating a farcical “Multi-National Consultation on Nicaragua” negotiating team that included the United States, Dominican Republic, and Guatemala with only the U.S. actually making the decisions; where after rational attempts by Somoza to negotiate, he was given an ultimatum from Jimmy Carter: “You, General Jose Somoza, your son, and your families must leave Nicaragua forthwith.”
...
— Carter, Perez, Torrijos, Carazo, and Castro could never understand that the masses of the Nicaraguan people were solidly pro-Somoza and anti-Communist, and their faith in him and the government could not be shaken no matter what attempts were made to destroy it.
...
Chapter 16: The Final Attack (link)
This chapter describes massive assaults that Nicaragua endured in 1979 from thousands of well-armed troops pouring over the borders from Costa Rica and Honduras, which the Organization of American States (OAS) refused to sanction. The people of Nicaragua had the will to fight to protect their country, but supplies of ammunition were cut off by the United States along with other embargoes; and other Central American countries were pressured by the United States to sign a resolution that demanded that Somoza step down from the Presidency in order to empower the totalitarian Communist Sandinista government that was then installed.
...
— Somoza explains they had a highly sophisticated system of communication, and at no time did he lose contact with his department commanders, and at all times they knew what was transpiring. It was also possible to monitor the communication of the invading forces, which was helpful. Somoza recalls a tragic situation where he was on the line with the commander in a police headquarters in Leon who was under attack by Chinese RPG rockets supplied by Cuba, and he could hear the devastation happening during the conversation.
...
Chapter 17: Nicaragua Now— Color It Red (link)
This chapter explains Nicaragua’s predicament after Anastasio Somoza had left the country. Somoza describes totalitarian Communists now ruling the country, his family newspaper being turned into the official voice of the Sandinistas, freedom of the press no longer existing in Nicaragua, many people fleeing the country, and how Communism is being spread to other Latin American countries.
— The Communist philosophy is to lie, cheat, steal, or kill as long as it furthers the goal of world domination, which is rapidly being achieved. Marxists have a common ideology, whereas free nations each follow their own course while being mostly oblivious that their common denominator is individual liberty.
— President Carter assisted the Soviet Union in taking Nicaragua using the Soviet puppet Fidel Castro. War goods flowed from the Soviet Union to Cuba, Cuba to Panama, Panama to Costa Rica, then overland from Costa Rica to Nicaragua. Today the Communists have in Nicaragua an ideal two-ocean base from which to operate in Central America.
— As soon as the Army of Nicaragua had capitulated, Cuba started direct flights to the Managua airport bringing arms, military equipment, military personnel, and also hundreds of Communist teachers, nurses, and doctors.
— After the Communists won in Nicaragua and were still in a stage of euphoric celebration, President Carter sent $3.5 million in food and medical supplies to the Marxists, and then took $8 million of foreign aid money previously destined for elsewhere to send to the Communist government in Nicaragua. Then Carter called on Mr. Viron Vaky, who previously lied about Somoza misusing earthquake aid, to push for and to receive a $75 million aid bill for Nicaragua with Vaky telling the House Foreign Relations Committee with a straight face that he was “pleased that the Nicaraguan government has re-established an open press.” Vaky previously was stationed in Venezuela where he became close friends with Carlos Andrez Perez.
— Carter has been told by the rebel leadership that “We are Marxists,” and the State Department knows that the Communist strongman of Nicaragua Tomas Borge is a close friend of Fidel Castro. The ruling junta is Marxist and every single position of power is held by a Marxist or Socialist.
— Shortly after the Marxist Government took over in Nicaragua, Senator Edward Zorinsky of Nebraska was sent on a special Air Force jet to make a personal inspection on a “fact finding mission.” Somoza says, “The Senator stayed three days and came back to the United States convinced that Tomas Borge, Hassan, and the other Marxists were OK, and that they should have immediate financial aid. The three day experience, with every minute being controlled by the Marxists, really impressed the Senator from Nebraska. He even suggested that President Carter ‘seriously consider’ providing military assistance.”
From pages 289 - 290:
When [Senator Edward Zorinsky] returned to Washington, the “erudite” Senator was asked about the more than eight thousand political prisoners being held by the Marxists. These are people who have been imprisoned after the Marxist take-over. He assured the press and his colleagues in the Senate that Thomas Borge, the friend of Castro, had promised him that the new government already had a plan devised to release one hundred of these prisoners each day. That was a lie, and Borge knew it was a lie.
I wonder if the Senator knows that none of these political prisoners were released and that they are now being tried for political crimes. Each man will most likely receive the maximum sentence of thirty years at hard labor. Most of these men, the only crime they committed was being loyal to the Guardia Nacional in which they served. Thus far, only three hundred men have been tried. At the rate the revolutionary tribunal is going, most of these men will die in prison before they are ever tried, not to mention serving a long prison term.
…
— Most high level government assignments have gone to known Communists [in the new Nicaraguan goverment], such as:
Tomas Borge, Minister of the Interior and an avowed Communist who trained in Cuba and is a personal friend of Fidel Castro;
Jamie Wheelock, Minister of Agriculture, who received guerrilla training in Cuba and is a Communist;
Henry Ruiz, Minister of Planning, who received special education in Moscow and is a Communist;
Humberto Ortega Saavedra, Minister of Defense, who graduated from Patrice Lumumba University in Moscow and is a Communist.
— Today in Nicaragua you read what the government wants you to read, and on television you see what they want you to see. One of the first directives from the ruling Marxist junta was to establish block control in every city. This followed the exact plan laid out by Fidel Castro in Cuba. Block captains are appointed and they report on the coming and going of individuals. Further, if they suspect that something suspicious is going on in any home or that a weapon may be hidden, they have the authority to search the premises without a search warrant.
— From page 295:
... To appreciate fully the individual liberty and freedom which existed in Nicaragua prior to the Marxist take-over, one should throughly digest the Sandinistan Defense Committee’s directive in [the Nicaraguan newspaper] La Prensa:
... The CDS must be the eyes and the ears of the revolution. They must at this time be its principal defenders. This control must be carried out as follows:
1. It is necessary to have a map of the suburb where you live.
2. Each block must make list of its neighbors.
3. If a counter-revolutionary individual lives in that block, we will do the following:
A. Locate his house.
B. Make a file.
C. Have constant vigilance of the identified element to know all of his movements.
4. All members of the CDS must must carry out this vigilance and for that purpose it is important that they establish posts in each block. All night there must be watches by turns, each car that goes by, take down the make, color, and license number. Every time the dog barks, see who goes by and where he is going. Keep watch to know which neighbor arrives late, if he carries packages or is with friends. Watch those houses where cars arrive late at night and take down all details. When you see someone who doesn’t belong in that section, watch him and follow him so that we know what he is doing. We must not let even one movement go by, since it could be the counter-revolutionaries.
5. Regarding the authorization of traveling, migration papers, there must be verification that the person who must approve departures is the person in charge of the Sandinista block committee.
6. All persons must carry a letter from his old Sandinista Block Committee to the new CDS of where he will be living.
7. Be alert to the following:
A. If you have a Somocista neighbor: accuse him.
B. If you see a strange movement in your block: watch it!
C. Carry out your night watches to watch for counter-revolution!
SANDINISTA DEFENSE COMMITTEE (CDS)
MANAGUA, D.N. September 29, 1979.
The foregoing represents the conditions under which the people of Nicaragua live. These people have been accustomed to free movement, free thinking, and free individual activity. Those freedoms no longer exist. Neighbor spies upon neighbor and there is constant fear. There is always a possibility that you will be falsely accused. Then what? You are presumed guilty until you can prove yourself innocent. Furthermore, if the block captain doesn’t like you or suspects that you are unfriendly to the Communist government, any food rations which are due you and your family can by cut off. The Communists know very well that if you control a man’s food supply, you pretty well have him under your control.
...
— Some two thousand Cuban teachers have been brought to Nicaragua from Cuba, and students are also being transported to Cuba for indoctrination training with parents having little or nothing to say about the matter; and with correspondence between the students and the parents either not being allowed or censored.
— The “Isle of Youth” is an island 250 kilometers south of Havana which is used as a Communist indoctrination fortress. Somoza explains that at the moment there are fifteen thousand students from African nations on the island, as well as some from Nicaragua. Castro’s indoctrination programs are similar to the ones used by the Leftist Jesuit priests.
…
From pages 300 - 301:
... The crime committed against the people of Nicaragua was naked, external aggression and violence. Nicaragua had always been able to conduct its internal affairs in an orderly and just manner. But when other nations, such as the United States, Panama, Costa Rica, Venezuela, and Cuba, decide they will impose their will on the domestic affairs of a country such as Nicaragua, that country is doomed. An international crime was committed against Nicaragua. What crime? I repeat, with external aggression and violence, a free nation is destroyed.
...
— Members of the ruling Communist junta in Nicaragua have proclaimed their Marxist philosophy, and the Sandinista leadership has openly admitted their relationship with Cuba. The Associated Press ran a story July 22, 1979 talking about the head of a Cuban group in Washington named Ramon Sanchez Parodi, saying, “Sanchez, who heads the Cuban Interest Section in Washington, admitted for the first time Cuba was helping anti-government movements in Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, but gave no details.”
— A secret CIA document was revealed dated May 2, 1979 that states there was direct intervention by Cuba in Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Honduras, which was 40 days prior to the final Sandinista offensive in Nicaragua. The Chicago Tribune broke the story on June 27, 1979, and Somoza’s government was not handed over to the Communists until the following July 17. The newspaper had a two-line banner across the top of page one: “CUBA, PANAMA, AIDING SOMOZA FOES..”
— From pages 309 - 310:
Nicaragua was the first target in Central America. To their way of thinking, and mine, Nicaragua represented the toughest nut to crack. If Nicaragua, with its strong and reliable ties with the U.S.A., could be taken then logic dictated that the other Central American nations would fall like dominoes. The strategy was sound and it’s working.
...
Today, Nicaragua is a Communist nation. The proud and anti-Communist people of my country are suffering, and the suffering will not abate. For them, there is no tomorrow. Their tomorrow was yesterday. So get your map of Central America and color Nicaragua red. Better make it blood red, too!
Chapter 19: A Time for Tears (link)
This chapter explains Anastasio Somoza’s departure from Nicaragua and what happened immediately afterwards. Somoza resigned due to being promised that the Guardia Nacional and Liberal Party would remain intact, but instead those groups were imprisoned and had their property confiscated, with the same happening to many others in Nicaragua. Also described is how Major Pablo Emilio Salazar, known to all people of Nicaragua as the courageous “Comandante Bravo” was captured in Hondouras and then tortured and killed, with the murder being publicly gloated about by the Communist Minister of the Interior for Nicaragua Tomas Borge.
...
— From pages 385 - 386:
As I was walking out of that meeting I came face to face with Major Pablo Emilio Salazar, known to all people of Nicaragua as “Comandante Bravo” of the Southern Command. No one could ask for a better combat leader than Bravo. He was fearless, but he knew when to exercise caution. To him, his men always came first and his combat troops would have followed him to the end of the Earth. Ours was an emotional meeting, and it was the last one we would ever have. Bravo said. “Is it true you have to go?” I told him it was true.
Bravo couldn’t understand why I had to leave. Each time he and his men had met the enemy they soundly defeated them. I explained to him that what we were up against was far bigger than all of Nicaragua, and that we had men fighting in the field with no ammunition. Further, I explained even if we could get munitions, we had only a small amount of dollars in reserve. As I talked to Bravo, I thought the total responsibility for the situation in which Nicaragua found herself rested with Jimmy Carter. We had sixteen thousand men who were willing to fight, but they had no ammunition; and we had the loyal support of the people, which even the International Conspiracy could not destroy.
Bravo then looked at me and said: “It’s final; you are really going to leave?” I could only respond it was final. At this point, this brave “man’s man,” and hero in his own right, began weeping. There were no more words for me. I was too choked up to talk. I embraced this gallant man and walked away.
After the revolutionary victory, Bravo and his men made their way by barge to El Salvador. From El Salvador he went to Honduras. It was all over, but the Sandinistas wanted Bravo. A trap was set and he was captured. The Sandinistas could not defeat him on the battlefield, but he was captured under supposedly peaceful conditions and tortured to death— in exactly the same manner that General Perez Vega was killed.
Again, it should be noted that a Sandinista “hit” team captured and tortured to death Comandante Bravo. This was done after the war was over; and this horrible event took place in Honduras. Tomas Borge, the Communist Minister of the Interior for Nicaragua, gloated publicly over this atrocious murder.
Contrary to what Mr. Carter, the U.S. State Department, and the media would have you believe, Borge is a vicious Communist killer. If there is any doubt about that allegation, take note of his speech to a youth rally held in Managua on October 17, 1979. Borge’s entire speech was broadcast on Managua Radio Sandino at 1800 hours GMT, and the speech was monitored.
With reference to the torture death of Comandante Bravo and Borge’s comments about me, his words are as follows:
“... the truth is that the henchman is now seven feet underground. He was the coordinator of the Somozist counter-revolution. ... the truth is that the head of the sector of the counterrevolution has been cut off. The enemies of our people will fall one by one, and sooner or later assassin Anastasio Somoza’s turn will come.”
Borge exemplifies the new Marxist government in Nicaragua. He has patterned his speech, his Communist techniques, and his sadistic behavior after his hero and companion, Fidel Castro.
The media have had this information for some time, and yet, for some reason, Borge remains untouched.
…
Chapter 20: Betrayed (link)
This chapter summarizes key points of specifically how the Jimmy Carter Administration delivered Nicaragua to a Marxist government which is closely associated with Fidel Castro’s Cuba.
[Note that I have included the entire chapter summary page here.]
Following are key points from the chapter:
From page 397:
The word “betrayed” has been defined as, “having been delivered to an enemy through treachery.” That definition aptly fits the sordid betrayal of Nicaragua. Our nation was truly delivered into the hands of the Marxist enemy by President Jimmy Carter and his administration. In this treachery, his most active accomplices were Venezuela, Panama, Costa Rica, and Cuba.
I was betrayed by a long-standing and trusted ally. That, in itself, is bad enough. But, more importantly, two million anti-Communist citizens of Nicaragua were neatly placed in a U.S.-designed package and handed to the Communists. To my way of thinking, and there are millions who share this view, that act of treachery was an unforgivable sin.
In the betrayal of Nicaragua, the President of the United States gave credence to the view that eighteen million people living in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, and Costa Rica might also expect betrayal. As noted previously, we have Ambassador William Bowdler’s word for that. Actually, then, it isn’t merely a “view,” because the threat by Mr. Bowdler has already been made.
For me and freedom-loving people everywhere, it’s impossible to understand the reason why Nicaragua was betrayed. As to the “how,” that’s a different story. The record clearly speaks for itself. For all his days, Mr. Carter will have to live with that record on his conscience.
I do not now, nor have I ever engaged in idle accusations. Let’s review how Nicaragua was betrayed by the Carter Administration.
— After one week in office, Mr. Carter cut off all military assistance to Nicaragua.
— The Carter appointed U.S. Ambassador to Nicaragua was advised that he shouldn’t get too close to Somoza, and he promptly began an intimate association with opposition forces, including Sandinistas.
— Clear evidence of betrayal came from Robert Pastor, Mr. Carter’s personal representative from the White House, when he asked President Daniel Oduber of Costa Rica, “When are we going to get that son of a bitch to the north out of the presidency?”
— The White House and State Department constantly ignored positive proof that the Sandinista movement was backed by Cuba with men, arms, and equipment.
— Under the guise of the Human Rights Commission, public support was given to the Sandinista Movement, while deprecating the democratic government of Nicaragua.
— Through his dominant influence in the Organization of American States, Mr. Carter put unbelievable pressure on member nations to condemn the government of Nicaragua.
— By Executive Decree, Mr. Carter prohibited the sales of military hardware to Nicaragua.
— Mr. Carter’s representative on the International Monetary Fund twice blocked badly needed standby credit for Nicaragua. These acts represented economic betrayal of an ally.
— When financing for Nicaragua’s hydroelectric dam project was obtained through other nations, President Carter pressured those nations to cancel these financing arrangements.
— After the “Famous Twelve” had been enjoined, the U.S. Ambassador pressured the Nicaraguan government to permit their return. These were known subversives and, under the umbrella of the U.S. State Department, they conducted treasonous activities in Nicaragua.
— When dollars were badly needed, Mr. Carter successfully pressured all shipping companies to boycott Nicaragua so that the coffee crop could not be exported.
— Under orders from the White House, the U.S. Department of Agriculture arbitrarily gave instructions to beef inspectors to shut down Nicaraguan beef exports to the United States.
— The U.S. embassy in Nicaragua called and advised businessmen of the opposition political party to transfer their dollars from Nicaragua to the United States. This was done so as to liquidate the dollar supply in Nicaragua and, thus, dollars would not be available to purchase arms and ammunition.
— Due to U.S. pressure, an Israeli ship destined for Nicaragua, and loaded with lifesaving arms and ammunition, was forced to return to Israel.
— Mr. Carter, the U.S. State Department, and the OAS were repeatedly advised of international law violations by Panama and Costa Rica. No action was taken.
— Mr. Carter, the U.S. State Department, and the OAS were repeatedly advised as to Communist staging areas in Costa Rica. This area was never investigated.
— Mr. Carter successfully closed all markets where Nicaragua could purchase arms and ammunition.
— The United States was successful in negating all treaties and mutual defense pacts which would have saved Nicaragua from a Marxist takeover.
— The United States, through President Carter’s representative, broke her promise to preserve the Guardia Nacional of Nicaragua.
— As a result of Mr. Carter’s policy toward Nicaragua, eight thousand loyal members of the Guardia Nacional are now in prison and waiting to be tried. They committed no crime, and the vast majority of these men and women will be sentenced to thirty years at hard labor.
— Mr. Carter’s representative gave assurances that members of the Liberal Party would be treated fairly. Many members of the party are in prison on political charges, and all of the affluent members had their property confiscated.
— Using human rights as a pretext, Mr. Carter successfully destroyed Nicaragua and is guilty of aiding and abetting the Marxists. Since “his group,” the Sandinistas, won, over three thousand men, women, and children of Nicaragua have been slaughtered. Until this date, President Carter had made no protest about the violation of their right to live, not to mention their human rights.
— Mr. Carter could have had a Nicaragua without the Somozas, which he wanted, and without Communism, but he chose to let the Marxists take the nation.
— Mr. Carter has now provided the Soviet Union with Atlantic and Pacific seaports in the Western Hemisphere. Nicaragua has both.
— Nicaragua was invaded by international aggressor forces, with Communist brigades from many countries. Mr. Carter, the State Department, and the OAS had this information and did nothing.
— The Nicaraguan Army was still intact at the end, some sixteen thousand strong. It was never defeated by the Communist invaders. Mr. Carter saw to it that these gallant anti-Communist troops simply had no ammunition with which to fight.
— Mr. Warren Christopher, on direct orders from President Carter, advised me that I would not be welcome in the United States. This was also less than six hours after I had arrived in Miami, Florida on July 17, 1979. It was also less than twenty-four hours after I had, in accordance with an agreement reached with Ambassador Lawrence Pezzullo in Managua, resigned as President and Chief of the Army of Nicaragua. Ambassador Pezzullo had told me that I would be welcomed in the United States as a Chief of State, and that he was speaking for President Carter.
From pages 401 - 402:
The betrayal of Nicaragua was not perpetuated out of ignorance, but rather by design. This I know for a fact. One could go down a long list of U.S. allies and ask why Carter turned against these anti-Communist nations. Pinochet of Chile could give you an answer— by design. And how about Korea, Taiwan (The Republic of China), Pakistan, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Rhodesia, South Africa, and Argentina? No, a plea of ignorance will not suffice. Carter might have been able to plead ignorance once, but not over and over again.
...
While I’m privileged to tread upon this planet called Earth, I shall do all within my power to see that other free nations do not suffer the agonizing death which struck Nicaragua. In my own way, I am sounding the alarm. To be effective, this alarm must be heard in the United States of America. It is my wish, it is my impassioned hope that freedom-loving people of the United States will hear the alarm and that they will respond without delay. There is no time for dalliance.
Like so many Americans, I have stood on the parade field and saluted Old Glory as she passed. I, too, have thrilled to the sight of the Stars and Stripes as the flag was raised at sunrise, and I have felt the melancholy that can touch a man’s heart at the sound of “Taps..” You see, I know the true meaning of the United States, and I thank God for that privilege. The United States has been, and is, the hope and inspiration of free men everywhere. May that torch of liberty, symbolized by the Statue of Liberty, burn ever so brightly— now and always. For I know for certain, that should that torch be extinguished, the dreams of free men everywhere die at the same moment. Like the people of Nicaragua, for those freedom-loving people there would be no tomorrow; “for their tomorrow was yesterday.”
My country, my people, and I were betrayed. That betrayal does not rest with the American people, but with the President of the United States. My love for the United States and her people is as great as it ever was. My prayer is that those who now lead the United States will not betray humanity. If that happens, God help us all, and for then it would be the entire free world, and not just Nicaragua BETRAYED.
The End
Editor’s Note—
Anastasio Somoza was able to discriminate between what is good about the configuration of the constitutional republic of the United States and what is bad about the corrupt elements covertly controlling its politics. While Somoza blames the Jimmy Carter Administration for what has happened, it is important to realize that Carter was only a puppet of the Illuminati global elite, just as all United States Presidents are.
The global Illuminati banking elite have a centuries old agenda of destroying the sovereignty of nations in order to form a totalitarian world government that is privately under their control, with their past implementations of Communism being a dress rehearsal for what is to come. Leftist and mainstream media sources that are controlled by these people are falsely attempting to claim that “nationhood” and “capitalism” are the cause of the world’s problems in their effort to deceptively create support for empowering such a world government.
NEW Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is almost certainly the son of Cuba’s Fidel Castro
December 15, 2024
Audio: Alex Jones Speaks With Len Horowitz About Issues of the 2009 Swine Flu Outbreak
recorded April 29, 2009
running time 45 minutes
